As the "ancestral homeland" of more than 300 ethnic groups, Indonesia is one of the most multicultural countries in the non-Western world.
8.8 million Indonesians of Chinese origin. Except that their "ancestral homeland" is not even here. My paternal ancestors came from Fujian Province, China, but we settled in Central Java for centuries. For other Chinese Indonesians, their home might be Jakarta, North Sumatra, South Sulawesi, West Kalimantan and East Nusatenggara.
According to the Chinese historian Dr. Tuty MUA of Universitas Indonesia, the Chinese settled in Nusantara since the 13th century Yuan Dynasty. "That's long before the Dutch touch," said MUA. "Therefore, the Chinese presence in the context of Indonesia is something we can not deny."
17th-18th century boom in Batavia sugar has also been a massive migration period for China to India. Many Chinese were hired as skilled craftsmen to build Batavia. Others worked in the sugar industry or have become merchants. Anyway, the Chinese population has grown rapidly, has demonstrated exceptional work ethic, and many openly showed signs of wealth, prompting social envy.
Many people seem to associate with Chinese-Indonesians "conflict" or "violence". And many incidents may be appointed, in 1740, 1965 and 1998.
"There is nothing wrong with seeking what happened. But if people open the wounds of the past in the name of nationalism, then that is a problem, "said MUA." If indigenous Indonesians keep assuming that Chinese-Indonesians are a group that deserves abuse, and Chinese-Indonesians keep judging indigenous Indonesians in return, then there is no end to this problem. Now it's time to stop this division and we start to see all Indonesians. "
One of the alleged Chinese roots of discrimination in Indonesia is the Indische Staatsregeling (State regulation of India) of 1925, which effectively categorizes the citizens of the Netherlands Indies in Europe, Far Eastern, and native. another set of laws applicable to each group. This regulation framed the Chinese, who fell in the middle of the hierarchy, to appear "inside" of a Aboriginal perspective. the privileges are not necessarily those that the Chinese enjoyed as tax collection for the Dutch government. But they were enough to raise the racial resentment.
the Staatsregeling failed to recognize that Chinese-Indonesians are politically heterogeneous. in the pre-independence era, some were pro-Netherlands, some were pro-China (including pro-Beijing and pro-Taipei), and others were pro -Indonesia.
At the beginning of Independence was a relatively quiet period for multicultural Indonesia. According MUA, Sukarno did not particularly discriminatory policies, although some researchers debate that. Indonesia has fostered close ties with the PRC and the USSR. Many Chinese Indonesians were still citizens of China.
And out of the nationalist spirit, Sukarno issued PP10 / 1959, which has limited foreign ownership of retail businesses at the Regency, and prohibited in districts and villages. The settlement was well-intentioned: to encourage Indonesians to support the economy of the new country and prevent the economic neocolonialism. Although this policy does not specifically target Chinese-Indonesians, many of those who owned retail businesses in rural areas have had problems.
sociologist Arief Budiman According to the Chinese-Indonesians at that time was politically divided into integrationist and assimilationist.
integrationist, represented by Baperki, strove for recognition of Chinese-Indonesians as an ethnic group and tend to be secular ideals. Baperki finished leaning to the left, with the Indonesian National Party (PNI), the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), and Sukarno. However, assimilationist, represented by LPKB (Lembaga Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa) Chinese Indonesians wanted to stop identifying Chinese and begin to adopt the customs of local indigenous ethnic groups. LPKB leaned right with Islamic and Christian parties, and the military.
Budiman used to be an assimilationist because of his aversion to fanaticism "shameful" he observed among the Chinese Indonesians, and the idea that pendatang (outside) "in Rome Roman should act." "authoritarian Hell" -like Budiman Sukarno wrote in Kebebasan, Negara, Pembangunan-induced generation Budiman to join the right and the fight against the left, knowing that democracy can flourish under a military regime.
that is, until 1965-1966 saw the fall of Sukarno. Accompanying it was a bloodbath that claimed an estimated one million lives, including Chinese Indonesians blindly accused their . association with ICP Budiman said he felt responsible for the new rule, Suharto, took to the extreme assimilation policies: the prohibition of the Chinese language, schools, media, festivities and of cultural expressions. Chinese Indonesians have even pressured to change their names to Indonesian-sounding.
If the time of Sukarno saw the participation of Chinese Indonesians in the parliament and ministries, Suharto made politics out of bounds for the Chinese Indonesians. Having a strong culture of trade, many Chinese-Indonesians naturally used the company became wealthy, privileged and sometimes if their business ties including the Suharto cronies. Although this only applies to a few Chinese Indonesians, it was enough to strengthen the problem recurring 17th century generalized racial sentiment led envy. And we all know what happened in 1998, when it came to be cast on Suharto's turn.
Budiman started kissing Integrationism in the 1970s, when his studies in the United States have presented to African Americans, who also endured a long history of discrimination and violence, but now enjoy the equality in civil society and proudly identify as both "Black" and "American."
"We still preserve our ethnic culture without becoming no less nationalist. Nationalism and ethnicity should not cancel, but can coexist and enrich each other," wrote Budiman. "I would tell the Chinese not ashamed to express their Chinese-ness, while showing in their actions that their country is Indonesia. "
Budiman added that Chinese-Indonesians should be more involved in politics and ensure that Chinese-Indonesian interests are fairly represented. In a democracy led by civil society, Chinese-Indonesians are also responsible as other Indonesian citizens to make Indonesia the country is allegiance to.
Now, in the Reformasi era, most things are made to ensure that the Sino-Indonesians feel comfortable in this country. In 02, President Wahid said Abdurrachman Chinese New Year a national holiday and effectively reversed the anti-China policies of the previous regime. Chinese Indonesians are competent in political offices, including vice mayor of Jakarta Basuki "Ahok" Purnama. In 09, Indonesia has honored its first Chinese-Indonesian national hero, Commander John Lie marine who fought in the Revolution. Some students are now learning that Chinese-Indonesians are important in both Indonesia's struggle for independence and the contemporary socio-economic development.
As a Chinese-Indonesian I look back now and think, "What a great suit my ancestors have overcome!" And how their struggles have somehow made me who I am today. With this awareness in mind, I've never been more proud to call my home Indonesia, the Chinese blood runs deep in my veins.
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